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Showing posts with label Leonid Kuchma. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Leonid Kuchma. Show all posts

Thursday, November 24, 2011

Freedom from what? Or should it be from whom?



Seven years has passed, and I'm still trying to figure out what Ukraine has achieved in that relatively short time, though still more than a third as many years that the nation has been independent. This commentary may very well be disjointed in many ways, just as the people of Ukraine have been for so many years. Regardless, I and many Ukrainians will state that the Orange (R)evolution, and that short period of the nation's short history, was one of the nation's greatest and positive moments. Clearly the benefactor of the Orange (R)evolution, Viktor Yushchenko, enacted one of those symbolic decrees on the Day of Freedom on November 19, 2005 just short of a year of the first anniversary of an event that caught the eye of the world, that clearly could never be guaranteed in the future.

For many who have a relationship to the events of seven years ago, it is difficult to comprehend, that on November 22, 2011, that all that many could see around the downtown core of Kyiv was special divisions of militia units on what is dubbed the day of Freedom? Clearly there are many people who are just as disenchanted with the current regime, a regime and a direction which many opposed seven years ago – not for who they were as a political group backing then presidential candidate Yanukovych, but for the methods which they were using to try to come to power. I'm certain, that those who were on the central square, known as Maydan, in Kyiv on November 22, 2011, are many of those same people who were there seven years ago, and they are clearly not those who voted the current regime in. Though one must also remember the old adage, governments don't get elected in, they get voted out.

On the morning of November 22, 2004, after a very short night sleep and dealing with many international observers as well as journalists, and prompted by a phone call I headed down to meet a good friend and to be introduced to Judge Bohdan Futey by my friend, my Kum, the father of my godchildren. We stood in front of the Post Office on Maydan. We had a short conversation of what could happen in the next day as well as the days to follow, but none of us could have with any certainty predicted of what stood before us.

As a Canadian of Ukrainian extraction, who had already spent some time in Ukraine and working on Ukrainian issues for most of my life, I felt that somehow I would play my part. Be it lesser or greater, I did not know, though I think that all of those who I knew and encountered during the course of what peacefully transpired over the next two months, and who were more involved than I, can only be the judges of my contribution.

Like many of those individuals I had befriended long before and during what came to became known as the Orange (R)evolution became disenchanted with the inactivity of the President who came to power, Viktor Yushchenko, and the squabbles which he was having with his now incarcerated, Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. However, the methods employed through the court to forbid the assembly on Maydan on November 22 of this year are as absurd as those taken in the winter of 2000 after the “cassette scandal” of 2000, while Maydan was beginning its transformation into the Globus Shopping complex; back then it didn't surprise me that such a post-soviet mentality and a total lack of understanding of the principle of the right to peaceful assembly took place. This year the court order had to do with the city's New Year Tree, which is do to be officially opened on December 17. Somehow, I fail to realize how the assembly of such a structure requires nearly a complete month to be assembled. Clearly, just an additional incompetency of the municipal administration.

As I viewed posted pictures on the Internet of the number of Berkut special forces on Kyiv's main thoroughfare, Khreshchatyk on November 22, I could only think of one thing. Ukraine, under the current administration has taken at least a dozen steps back from where it was seven years ago. However, even before this, in reviewing the situation and statements of individuals who truly have done their time for the Ukrainian cause, I am even more impelled to state that the only way things will change for the better in Ukraine is through a “New Revolution”, and if necessary it will be a revolution and not an evolution as has happened in the past.

Seven years ago I was there, on Khreshchatyk. I spent many hours and days there! It seemed like an eternity at times! Would there be an onslaught of troops against those peacefully protesting. Now, seven years later, the possibility of protest is becoming less realistic than it was, even under Kuchma.

Above I mentioned the term, “New Revolution”. It is not by chance, but more due to the historical events which have transpired. Ukraine to this day has not had a revolution, but rather an evolution. One which has unfortunately done little for the people of Ukraine with the exception of providing a segment of that population to believe it can change things; while at the same time it has allowed for those with capital to become wealthier and to conduct a variety of anti-national policies which diminish the rights as well as aspirations of the nation's citizens.

Political capture in Ukraine is a reality. It has become an obsession of those in power, not only to ingratiate themselves as much as possible, but also to ensure that they become the “untouchables” without any accountability. This is clear with the new election law which has no mechanism for the accountability of deputies to their constituents.

What will transpire when the populace realizes that once again their votes have been stolen in the upcoming elections? How will they react? Will they even have an opportunity to do so as the current regime steps up its physical authority as it has shown by its absurd use of the court system, and show of physical might?

On the Day of Freedom, there was one image that stood out a great deal regarding among so many others. It was a young girl on the shoulders of her father holding a sign which read, “The Government is Shit”. As an American friend of mine commented and I must paraphrase this. So what would they, the Berkut, who could see this do? I guess we will have to wait and see.

Maybe, a real Revolution awaits?

In my opinion, the current regime only understands force and strength and they seem to rely on that dangerous card much more frequently and much more assertively than any of the previous Ukrainian governments have done. This in turn makes it much more likely that the very same card could soon bounce back to them, and when in does, no one can really tell how the rest of it all could play out. One can only hope that, come a critical point, that those young men who at this time simply obey orders, will be governed by at least some sort of common sense or by some level of attachment to their own nation - a nation that is slowly but surely reaching the limits of what it can tolerate. The people of Ukraine have a government that is has been captured by the controlling interests of a few, they will have to call the shots on how to deal with them and it will have to be their choice. Lets hope that in whatever the path they choose that they have will find alliances from the young men who have been sworn in to protect the nation and its people, and who have some semblance of morality and believe in serving their country and not just the figureheads who are are now in control.



Vasyl Pawlowsky Independent Consultant


Friday, May 27, 2011

The Asset Grab is on

Once again my good acquaintance Ivan Lozowy hits the nail right on the head with his INSIDER. Ivan is kind enough to allow me to share his insight with you all and commentary can be addressed to him, or discussion is welcome here on my blog.

THE UKRAINE INSIDER - is distributed via the Internet free of charge to
all interested parties as a source of in-depth information on political
events in Ukraine, including behind-the-scenes coverage of significant
current issues, the positions of policy-makers, tactics and strategy
information on Ukraine's ongoing struggle toward a free and democratic
society.

THE UKRAINE INSIDER
Vol. 11, No. 1
May 27, 2011

ITEM A.: THE REAL TARGET BEHIND KUCHMA
When the General Procuratura made the sensational announcement on March
22, 2011 that a criminal case had been opened against former President
Leonid Kuchma, analysts scurried to speculate over the reasons for the
move. But those with a good understanding of Ukrainian politics and the
principal players involved got it from the get-go.

The case against Kuchma is a shot across the bow of his son-in-law and
one of Ukraine's richest men, Viktor Pinchuk.

The priority of President Viktor Yanukovych's Party of Regions (PoR) is
to amass even more wealth for its senior members. They are interested
in assets, only assets. Since most of Ukraine's formerly state-owned
property has been privatized, members of the current government have no
choice but to look to private wealth as the source of their own
aggrandizement. Oligarchs like Pinchuk hold most of Ukraine's wealth.

The primary purpose of the Kuchma case is to bring Pinchuk to the
bargaining table, at which he would negotiate favorable terms for the
PoR to take over his assets. It was Kuchma, after all, who put most of
Pinchuk's wealth in the oligarch's hands through corrupt privatization
deals. Pinchuk is still married to Kuchma's daughter.

Other benefits to the PoR of the Kuchma case are incidental. Doubtless,
Yanukovych holds a grudge against Kuchma for not agreeing to his
demands -- at the time, Yanukovych was Prime Minister -- to disperse
the protesters of the Orange Revolution by force. But Yanukovych has
many grudges, including, for example, against Serhiy Tyhipko, who ran
his failed presidential bid in 2004 and then jumped ship when the
Orange Revolution got under way. Yet Tyhipko was invited into the
government following his strong third-place showing in last year's
presidential race.

Also, the PoR realizes that the Kuchma case is an argument against
accusations that they are persecuting the opposition in the person of
Yulia Tymoshenko. A good PR move, nodded PoR heads in unison. But the
current government has not bothered to buttress this PR move with
criminal cases against non-Tymoshenko supporters, other than Kuchma.

The shot, aimed at Pinchuk, in the form of the criminal case against
Kuchma may, however, turn out to be a blank. Its principal intention
has failed already and Pinchuk has fought back. He understands that to
give up anything to the PoR is the beginning to giving up everything.
Harvard Professor Alan Dershowitz has been hired to defend Kuchma, who
has appeared recently on Ukrainian TV as a sponsor for schools.

More important than the legal and PR defense mounted by Kuchma is the
relative ineffectiveness of the campaign of pressure against him and
Pinchuk.

For starters, it has not escaped the attention of Ukrainian observers
that Kuchma is accused of "exceeding his authority in issuing illegal
orders to the police which led to the murder of a journalist." In other
words, he is accused of ordering the killing of Georgiy Gongadze, but
is not being tried for murder.

The principal proof in the case, recordings made by former presidential
bodyguard Mykola Melnychenko, have been so diluted by time and multiple
distribution that it forms a flimsy evidentiary base. The person to
whom Kuchma allegedly issued orders to kill Gongadze, then Minister of
the Interior, Yuriy Kravchenko, is dead.

In other words, for a crowd that has tried to make a name for
themselves as people who "can get things done," the Party of Regions is
behaving more like traditional governmental bumblers.

ITEM B.: THE POOR PoR - PRESSURING THE OLIGARCHS
The campaign by the Party of Regions (PoR) to grab assets belonging to
Ukrainian oligarchs runs wider than just Pinchuk.

When Israel's President, Shimon Peres, visited Ukraine in November 2010
his real purpose was to negotiate with the PoR to leave alone a
prominent Jewish oligarch, Ihor Kolomoisky. During his visit, Peres met
personally with Kolomoisky and Hennadiy Boholiubov, Kolomoisky's
partner, in their home base of Dnipropetrovsk.

Another oligarch, Hryhoriy Surkis, who rules Ukraine's football
(soccer) sports sector as head of the National Football Federation
(NFF), came under sustained pressure initiated by the government and
was almost removed from office. Only after Surkis appealed to the
international governing body, FIFA, and the latter issued a letter
supporting Surkis, was he granted a reprieve. FIFA's letter, which was
probably drafted by Surkis himself, threatened not to recognize any
vote by the NFF removing Surkis from his post and even went so far as
to demand the cessation "of any activities directed at organizing early
elections of the leadership of the NFF."

Thus, the current score is: Party of Regions - 0 : Oligarchs - 3.

(In the following issue: Tymoshenko as martyr?)

(c) Ivan Lozowy
Correspondence should be addressed to: lozowy @ gmail.com


Monday, August 11, 2008

Sir Elton sings for former President Kuchma

Reported by a number of different sources in Ukraine, apparently Sir Elton John was to have been in Yalta on Saturday to sing for former President Kuchma's 70th birthday. Rumors have it that the price tag for such a little birthday gift was in the range of 5 million USD, however, this is not easy to confirm.

Though it wouldn't surprise me if Pinchuk wanted to make sure he stayed in his "father-in-laws" good books and paid for Sir Elton's second visit to Ukraine. Would it not been more constructive for such money to help the people of the flooded western regions of Ukraine. Obviously not!